In several African countries, elections have been heavily criticized as sham, although winners claim their victories as legitimate.
Many African countries gained their independence from the European imperialists between 1950s and 1970s, witnessing several positive changes with respect to democratization on the continent.
Following several years of oppression and protracted civil wars, participatory politics grew as the number of African countries holding elections increased, facilitating the emergence of democratic and stable governments in countries such as South Africa and Ghana.
The percentage of African countries holding democratic elections increased from 7% to 40% In the 1990s and 2000s, according to Freedom House, a United States-based government-funded nonprofit nongovernmental organization. The 2023 Freedom in the World report also documented Africa slightly advanced in 2022 with 11 countries seeing improvements in their political rights and civil liberties.
In several African countries however, elections have been manipulated to legitimize autocratic regimes, which has resulted in one of the major causes of instability on the continent. In such countries, polls have been heavily criticized as sham, although winners claim their victories as legitimate, resulting in outright clashes between citizens and security forces.
In situations where democratic institutions don’t constrain leaders, violence and coercion are a common trend of rulers whose domestic legitimacy is tied to the means through which they attain and maintain power, without contributing to meaningful improved quality of governance or citizen participation.
Is it Elections That Make Bad Leaders?
Although elections remain the only basis for democratic credentials globally, there are several governments produced through polls that have fallen short of expected standards. Some of these democratically elected leaders routinely deprive people of basic rights and liberties, serve their own interests unencumbered by constitutional constraints, the law is flouted at will, characterized by corruption, repression and coercion. Important to note, it is not elections that make bad leaders, but rather, the elected leaders that abuse power entrusted to them by the voters.
Looking at all elections held in several African countries since the early 1990s, by and large, they have failed to be conducted fairly, transparently and peacefully.
The greatest paradox is that there are more elections than ever before in human history, but even with all this voting, democracy is under severe threat, endangered by predatory politicians and yet the continent is becoming less democratic.
African Countries Voting This Year
For this year, voting will take place in 19 African countries, accounting for roughly half of the continent’s population. The most pivotal election just took place in South Africa, where president Cyril Ramaphosa announced his new cabinet that has been criticized as significantly larger than many developed countries like Germany, UK, and Russia. It is the largest cabinet South Africa has ever had, although it does not adequately reflect the will of the people, given its burden on the tax payer.
Elections in Africa 2024
Country |
| Type of Election |
| Date |
| Presidential |
| January 14 | |
| Presidential |
| February 4 | |
| Presidential |
| March 24 | |
| Presidential and Legislative |
| May 6 | |
| General |
| May 29 | |
| Presidential |
| June 29 | |
| Presidential |
| July | |
| Presidential and Legislative |
| July 15 | |
| Presidential |
| September 7 | |
| Presidential and Legislative |
| October 9 | |
| General |
| October | |
| Presidential and Legislative |
| November 13 | |
| Presidential |
| November 24 | |
| Presidential |
| November 27 | |
| General |
| November 30 | |
| Presidential and Legislative |
| December 7 | |
| Presidential and Legislative |
| December 22 | |
| Presidential |
| December | |
| Presidential and Legislative |
| December |
Economic electoral consequences often take heavy toll on the people, in Uganda for example, the 2021 election driven internet shutdown saw companies lose an estimated US$17.9-million daily, according to the country’s Financial Technology and Service Providers Association. The internet was switched off on the eve of the election after the government ordered telecom companies to block access to social media platforms for nearly a month, saying they would ignite violence.
The runup to polling day was marred by bloodshed and a sustained crackdown on government critics. The opposition leader was repeatedly detained and his rallies broken up with tear gas and live rounds, with more than 50 people shot dead.
In this regard, threat of election-related violence, and the accompanying instability and economic uncertainty, bring into question the value of elections, when the outcome was all but predetermined.
Restricted political competition, claims of fraud by the opposition and videos on social media of ruling party agents ticking ballot papers in favor of the incumbent, a lack of clarity about the way votes were tallied in the districts and announced by the electoral commission all pointing to a pre-election pattern of restriction.
Eleven of the 13 elections held in Uganda, Rwanda, Tanzania and Kenya over the past two decades have been accompanied by a fall in gross domestic product during the election year or in the year after, with the raiding of central banks to fund increasingly expensive election campaigns, a key driver of socioeconomic pressures.
Consensus on the Need for Holding Elections.
Despite violence and coercion consistently revealing themselves as the most relied on and direct means for retaining power in countries like Uganda, there is consensus on the need for holding elections.
Repeatedly holding elections in the long run creates greater opportunities for democratization effects and fosters new openings that tend to make it more difficult for leaders to hold on to power forever. These include encouraging coordination between opposition parties and increasing the pressure on ruling parties to reform the political process.
Democratic societies go beyond winner-takes-all elections to allowing for liberal freedoms such as political inclusivity, freedom of speech, media, expression, and association, access to property rights, and judicial independence.
Ensuring a combination of these elements supports greater everyday political participation and the building and consolidating of democracy, as opposed to a decisive vote once every few years in a sham election.
If Africa’s elections are by and large conducted fairly, transparently, and peacefully, they could significantly contribute to the consolidation of democratic processes on the continent, as domestic support for democracy tends to increase when elections are not marred by violence.
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